The slow disintegration of the United Kingdom appears to be accelerating. Prime Minister Andy Burnham’s recent statement that Scotland and Northern Ireland are in “exactly the same” constitutional situation and that majority support could be enough for a referendum on their future is just the latest sign of a crisis that has been developing for years.
At its core lies devolution, the process through which Westminster transferred significant powers to the institutions of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland.
The idea was that self-government would appease nationalist demands and make the union more stable. In practice, the opposite happened.
In Northern Ireland, the return of self-government was part of the peace agreement. But the political system remained dependent on the forced coexistence of Sinn Féin and the DUP, two forces with very different visions for the future.
While Sinn Féin has become the dominant force, its primary objective remains the unification of Ireland. It is hard to expect anything else from a party that has this as its fundamental reason for existence.
Wales is moving in the same direction. Plaid Cymru came to power promising that independence would not be its immediate priority.
But once a nationalist party takes control of autonomous institutions, the demand for more powers and, subsequently, for full sovereignty is a logical step.
Scotland is the most significant example. When the Scottish Parliament was created, unionists warned that devolution could strengthen nationalism. The warning was ignored.
Within a few years, the SNP took control of Holyrood and began using the institution of devolution as a tool to pressure Westminster.
Initially, it asked for more powers. Then it asked for a referendum on independence, and London gave it to it. Although the 2014 referendum was won by the unionists, the process was not closed.
On the contrary, nationalists continued to demand greater autonomy. Herein lies the great paradox: devolution did not become an obstacle to independence, but a path towards it. The institutions that were supposed to strengthen the union became instruments for challenging it.
It was a “Trojan Horse” that, in a way, the British built themselves. The SNP has used the Scottish government to oppose Westminster policies, including Brexit, and has developed an international presence that in some cases resembles that of a separate state.
This has happened despite the fact that foreign policy remains London's prerogative. The irony is that the record of nationalist governance is not particularly convincing.
Scotland continues to face problems in education, health, transport and infrastructure. But failures in governance have not been enough to significantly weaken the pro-independence political identity.
But the responsibility does not fall solely on nationalists. British governments, both Conservative and Labour, have had years to reform devolution, but have chosen to postpone the problem.
From London, self-government was seen as a way to let the regions manage their own problems. Now they are demanding more than that. They are demanding sovereignty.
Reform is still possible, but it would require much greater political will than before. The problem is that Westminster continues to live with the next crisis, while the idea of union gradually loses strength.
Perhaps this is the greatest paradox: the threat to the United Kingdom comes not only from those who want to break it up, but also from those who no longer believe in it strongly enough to protect it.
The day may come when the Union flag is lowered forever. And then it may be too late to ask who should have saved it.