INSURRECTION/ SP MPs rebel, drag Gjati to vote on territorial division!

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2026-10-15 13:31:32Pikëpamje SHKRUAR NGA PROF. ASOC. DR. MARENGLEN KASMI
Scenes from the Protest in Tirana

By: Marenglen Kasmi

Like every day, this morning I left the house and walked up Durrës Street. A beautiful sunny day, but the street was gloomy. Broken windows, traces of burns, destroyed sidewalks. The smell of "democracy" smoke! 

People stood in front of damaged businesses with their arms crossed. Their faces showed sadness and uncertainty. From the conversations, it was clear that people were afraid of a repeat of the violence and that what had happened the night before had caused anger and disgust.

“Oh, oh, it was terrible!”, an acquaintance of mine, the owner of a respected business, told me. “They burned my advertisement, but that's all.” A few meters away, others were repairing the shop shutters.

The sight took me back to 1991, when metal shutters first began to be installed on Durrës Street, immediately after raids during violent protests like yesterday’s. Since then, the shutters have become an integral part of the city’s landscape. Thirty-five years later, I was seeing them being repaired for the same reason. 

A little further up, the Ministry of Education resembled a burning cave. It was the first to be attacked and burned. Then came the Ministry of Economy and the Ministry of Justice. These three ministries cover areas of particular importance for the negotiations on membership in the European Union. Education has already closed its respective chapter, the economy had just marked another achievement with the closing of Chapter 20, while justice remains one of the main pillars of the integration process. Is it a coincidence that these three ministries were targeted by political hooliganism, with some jokers disguised as arsonists? 

Meanwhile, in some television studios, what happened last night in Tirana continues to be presented as a student revolt.

For some time now, Albania has been working to create a psychosis that this country has come to an end, that it has become uninhabitable and that nothing works here anymore. This is the daily refrain of the opposition, the media and some opinion makers. Even when there are strong reasons to criticize the government, the discussion quickly slides towards the conclusion that Albania no longer has a future. But there is a big difference between criticizing the government and trying to convince Albanians that their country is no longer worth anything.

This language is not without consequences. If despair, hatred and distrust of institutions are nurtured, the conditions and terrain for the exercise of violence are also created. A part of politics and the media has long been demanding confrontation, while any attempt to reduce tensions is ridiculed as weakness or a handshake from power.

Në këtë atmosferë, ajo që ndodhi dje në Tiranë vështirë të konsiderohet një shpërthim krejt rastësor. Që me shpërthimin e parë të dhunës, m'u krijua bindja se protesta e flamingove kishte marrë fund. Djegia e Ministrisë së Arsimit vetëm sa e vulosi këtë përfundim. Flamingot e kishin humbur prej kohësh fuqinë mobilizuese dhe nuk po arrinin ndonjë rezultat politik. Afërmendsh që kështu do të përfundonte, pasi ajo lëvizje nuk u artikulua asnjëherë politikisht. 

Për ta mbajtur në jetë revolucionin imagjinar, u thirrën në skenë studentët. Por ndërsa flitej për revoltë studentore, rrugëve të Tiranës vepronin grupe huliganësh të maskuar që sulmonin institucione, digjnin, dëmtonin e bastisnin prona publike e private dhe përplaseshin me policinë. Sipas njoftimit zyrtar të Policisë së Shtetit, 51 punonjës policie mbetën të lënduar. Ndërkohë, ende nuk kemi një bilanc të plotë të dëmeve dhe vjedhjeve në bizneset private.

I ndoqa disa nga studiot televizive ku komentoheshin ngjarjet. Më bëri përshtypje lehtësia me të cilën justifikohej dhuna. Dëmet ndaj bizneseve private, sulmet ndaj policisë dhe shkatërrimet në qytet kalonin në plan të dytë. Madje një nga «baballarët» e gazetarisë sonë mezi i përmendte ashtu kalimthi. Në ekran u shfaqën edhe personazhe pak ose aspak të njohur për publikun, të cilët flisnin për djegiet sikur të ishin pjesë e zakonshme e një proteste. Fajtor si gjithmonë ishte Edi Rama, i cili nuk do që nuk të largohet. E kjo duhet t'i japë kujtdo të drejtën të shkatërrojë dhunojë e plaçkitë.

Edhe sot në mëngjes nuk munguan titujt për Shqipërinë që digjej dhe studentët që kishin marrë në dorë Tiranën. Por pamjet e rrugës tregonin diçka tjetër. Kishte studentë që protestonin, por edhe njerëz të maskuar që ushtronin dhunë. Përse këmbëngulet që veprimet e këtyre të fundit të paraqiten si revoltë studentore?

Studentët kanë një vend të veçantë në kujtesën historike të shqiptarëve. Mjafton të kujtojmë dhjetorin e vitit 1990. Emri i tyre ngjall simpati dhe mbështetje, gjë që nuk mund të thuhet për njerëzit që djegin prona e sulmojnë policinë. Prandaj përfshirja e studentëve ishte kaq e leverdishme për një protestë që po shuhej. Ajo mund të fitonte një mbështetje të re, ndërsa dhuna të fshihej pas emrit të tyre.

Ndërkaq mbetet të sqarohet çështja e organizatorëve. Kush e organizoi dhunën? Kush i mobilizoi grupet e maskuara dhe kush i drejtoi ato? Deri tani nuk kemi parë të dalë publikisht ndonjë organizator që të marrë përgjegjësinë për atë që ndodhi. Mënyra e veprimit të grupeve të dhunshme ngre dyshime për një organizim që shkon përtej një shpërthimi spontan zemërimi. 

Today, Prime Minister Rama publicly accused the opposition of being behind the violence. It is a serious accusation, even more so when made by the head of government. We do not know what information he is based on, since it has not been made public. But a prime minister must have a serious basis before making such an accusation. If he has concrete information, it must be passed on to the competent institutions. Responsibility cannot remain only with those who threw the Molotov cocktails, if it is proven that there were organizers behind them.

After all this violence, the question of what this movement seeks to achieve politically remains open. So far, we have mainly heard the call for the removal of Edi Rama, but no clear political alternative. Demanding the resignation of the prime minister is completely legitimate, but this is not enough to convince citizens that they will be governed better tomorrow. Even less so since this demand could justify the burning of institutions and private property. Therefore, the suspicion that the goal may be to destabilize the country cannot be ignored. If there is a political organization behind this violence, then we must know who seeks to achieve through chaos what they cannot achieve through voting. Here we are forced to contemplate the spectacle of some deputies who, in front of the cameras, try to look like lions of the revolution, while they are more reminiscent of bunnies emboldened by the noise of the street. Without forgetting those who, as soon as they see a few flames in Tirana, begin to dream of the prime minister's chair and new peasant-bourgeois revolutions.

A special responsibility in this story also lies with a part of the media and those who appear on the screen every evening as analysts. Instead of helping the public understand what is happening, they constantly seek escalation and present clashes and violence as the only way to change. Thus, they turn into verbal arsonists, who ignite the political atmosphere every evening and the next day appear on the screen again to comment on the fire. Of course, we cannot call them organizers of violence, but the responsibility for the climate they create cannot be ignored. Neither can television executives act as if it does not matter what is served to citizens every evening. Molotov cocktails are not only lit on the streets. Some of them are prepared every evening in television studios and their flame burns more than that of the street. This is not an accusation, but a call for prudence and responsibility in the use of words.

 


Në përputhje me standarded JTI

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