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Saviano: How the mafia changes after the arrest of Matteo Messina Denaros

2023-01-18 20:37:56Fokus SHKRUAR NGA REDAKSIA VOX
Saviano: How the mafia changes after the arrest of Matteo Messina Denaros
Matteo Messina Denaro, going to the medical clinic in Palermo on the day of his arrest

The hierarchy of the Mafia organization "Cosa Nostra" is as old as Italian society. And economic interests have permeated everything

Roberto Saviano - Corriere della Sera

What will happen after the capture of Matteo Messina Denaro? In reality, it is not important to answer this question, because the worst, the worst, the irreparable, had already happened and is happening.

Nuk po shpenzoj tone apokaliptike apo të tepruara, gjithsesi. Në vitin 2021, Banka e Italisë tregoi se xhiroja e karteleve mafioze ishte rreth 38 miliardë euro në vit. Këto 38 miliardë euro janë shumë më tepër se 100 milionë në ditë.

Njëqind milionë në ditë që zhvendosen dhe investohen, por nëse kësaj shifre i shtojmë edhe atë që Drejtoria Kombëtare Antimafia kishte deklaruar në vitin 2020, duke gjurmuar asetet që rrjedhin nga trafiku i drogës prej 400 miliardë eurosh vetëm në Itali, kuptojmë se jemi duke folur për një ekonomi gjithnjë në zgjerim që ushqen dhe mbështet ekonominë legale.

Për momentin, çështja mafioze është injoruar plotësisht nga debati politik dhe është trajtuar vetëm në mënyrë retorike gjatë fushatës elektorale.

Mafiet, kur vrasin, duken; kur ata bëjnë biznes janë të padukshëm dhe kur bëjnë biznes është në fakt mirë për të gjithë, sepse sjellja e tyre nuk dallohet nga ajo e çdo sipërmarrësi ose fondi investimi tjetër.

Bizneset e mëdha në rrezik do të vazhdojnë të rriten, siç është neni 104 i ligjit, i cili u ka dhënë, shpesh pa kontroll, ortekë parash kompanive të ndërtimit, në shumë raste një zgjerim të drejtpërdrejtë të karteleve mafioze (por do të kemi vetëm prova për të gjitha këto vite: tani kemi vetëm të dhëna ).

Partitë, siç e kemi parë në hetimet e Antimafias të 20 viteve të fundit, nuk kanë as një sistem real për t'u mbrojtur nga infiltrimi dhe aleancat mafioze, sepse gjithçka ia delegojnë drejtësisë.

Nëse ka hetime, palët kanë filluar të jenë (por jo gjithmonë, në fakt) të kujdesshme në emërimin e disa figurave; nëse nuk ka hetime, ata nuk thellohen dhe në shumë raste kërkojnë pushtetet zgjedhore mafioze.

Megjithatë, politika duhet të jetë në gjendje të bëjë një përzgjedhje, me informacionin dhe njohuritë e saj territoriale, nuk duhet të presë dënimet e gjyqtarëve për të zgjedhur personelin e saj politik.

Megjithatë, duket se po kërkon pikërisht ata ndërmjetës politikë të aftë për të sjellë në këmbim fluksin e paketës së votave.

Nëse duam të shkojmë drejt e tek gjërat për të bërë, sjellja e parë antimafia do të ishte legalizimi i drogave të lehta: kjo do t'i privonte organizatat nga një burim i rëndësishëm fitimi dhe do të çlironte sistemin gjyqësor nga ligjet ndaluese që godasin rëndë konsumatorët, pa mundur të gjurmojë trafikantët e mëdhenj të drogës.

Sipas raportit në Parlament nga Drejtoria e Hetimit Antimafia, ekonomia e nëndheshme e kanabisit kap vlerën e rreth 6 miliardë eurove dhe i përgjigjet rreth 40% të të ardhurave të mafies.

Kjo do të dërrmonte një segment shumë të rëndësishëm të ekonomisë mafioze, atë të grupeve në zhvillim.

But let's go back to Messina Denaro, now what will happen after him? Well, let's say that it is dangerous in the analysis to consider him only a boss with a lot of charisma: no boss, "simple" provincial boss, could manage the amount of capital attributed to him by anti-mafia prosecutors in the last decade (in In 2007, 700 million euros were identified, in 2010 assets for 1.5 billion euros were seized, in 2018 1.5 billion euros were seized).

It is dangerous to think that the commission that unites the families of "Cosa Nostra" - although not structured as it used to be - no longer exists.

All the statements of associates of justice speak of Messina Denaro as a boss who does not speak about the decisions of families, leaving them free.

He managed his affairs without being accountable to anyone, precisely because he did not ask others.

Thus, "Cosa Nostra" lost its structure and unity after the capture of Provenzano, the last heir of the Corleones from top to bottom; Messina Denaro did not try to rule as his godfathers had done, but ruled with an obsession to interfere as little as possible, which often led the organization into disarray, leaving the families of Palermo and those of the province without common plans.

"Cosa Nostra" paid for its visibility, the extreme recognition of its bosses after the elections to get and win what it wanted through massacres.

Other organizations continue to benefit from significantly less media attention, which in the last decade has nevertheless increased compared to the past.

However, when, in 2008, Pasquale Condello, the boss of the "Ndrangheta", who in recent years has acquired a power of political-industrial influence much higher than the Mafia of Messina Denaro, was arrested, he did not have the same media attention, because the "Ndrangheta" has not been able to sink, because the "Ndrangheta" does not crown kings.

Equal to equals. The same for the Neapolitan Camorra: when important leaders are arrested in Naples, such as Michele and Ciro Mazzarella, arrested last December, there was not the attention that such an outcome deserved.

Even the Ponticelli conflict — with bombs exploding in the neighborhood last spring and summer — never got national attention. These distractions, which often occur due to disability, then turn into political and social silence.

There are those who are now asking: who will be Matteo Messina Denaro's successor? There are several hypotheses. Who will be able to rebuild the pyramid of the organization?

After the sclerotic vision of the last "Cosa Nostra", Giovanni Motisi, "U Pacchiuni", or "Boli" would be named, because - although he is part of Pagliarelli's mandate, which has no weight at this stage - history his criminal record can guarantee him to take the ranks to become a "capo".

He was in one of Riina's "fire squads" and, although we haven't heard from him since 1998, being a loyal follower of the Corleone boss gives him the right mythology to be known as a leader.

The other name that is mentioned a lot is that of Stefano Fidanzati, but Kupola, or what is left of it, would never give the top of the organization to an honorable man who was a drug trafficker with no mediation skills and no political command.

They are mature men, all over the age of 70. This shows that "Cosa Nostra" is influenced by an organizational structure modeled according to the dynamics of the country: top management entrusted to the elderly, slow decision-making, using only old channels, the inability to renew itself and see new opportunities for strategic alliances.

And now it suffers from a lack of belonging, compared to other organizations, which have a much larger number of soldiers.

The organizations "Camorra", "Ndrangheta", "Foggia" are able to be very fragile and structured in a fluid form.

One of the strengths of the 'Ndrangheta, for example, was that it did not have a centralized structure, but rather a federal structure, attributing the "school of command" to a consular figure, exclusively when needed to settle disputes. that risked harming all families.

"Cosa Nostra", on the other hand, looks like a monolithic pachyderm destroyed by the bureaucracy of internal control desired by the Corleones: it has been gradually eroded, especially in recent years.

But we are close to its extinction. Until today, "Cosa Nostra", as far as drug trafficking is concerned, is supported by its historical allies: in Campania the people from Marano (Naples), are Nuvoletta-Polverino, who despite being in Campania, are not "Camorra ", but mafiosi and who continue to be the main suppliers of hashish and marijuana for some families in Sicily.

And then the Calabrian families, historically allied with the Corleones, such as Kommisot, or De Stefano-Tegano.

But in reality all (or almost all, if we exclude the Sicilian families based in South America), the drug traffic that passes through the hands of "Cosa Nostra" is now hegemonized by an "OPA" (offer) for the ascent - someone would say in the financial language - of the Calabrians.

There is evidence that the 'Ndrangheta chose to support the Corleone faction against the Palermos in the 1980s, but then moved away from it at the stage of massacre and terrorists, aware that this would have led to the impossibility of doing business, but only to the imposition of their reasons on politics; politics that "Ndrangheta" has always preferred to manage in a different way than "Cosa Nostra".

Today, mobsters know that directly appointing ministers means exposing them to a lot of light, suspicions, convictions that would endanger the business.

In the past, on the contrary, they claimed that there were directly their own people, members of respectable families, who were installed in the institutions.

Today, we prefer to govern the flows of money that support politicians and parties, to have people in the state bureaucracy who remain stationary while the majority passes, we install ourselves in places of spending and control and who are immune to ideological tides.

If you really want to know the answer to the question "what now, after the capture of Messina Denaro?", this should be said: "Now let's turn the debate about the mafias to be more and more informed and present, but above all as far as possible from propaganda ".


Në përputhje me standarded JTI

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