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Did Hashim Thaçi sell Kosovo for his freedom?

2022-06-16 13:39:41Pikëpamje SHKRUAR NGA BEDRI ISLAMI
Did Hashim Thaçi sell Kosovo for his freedom?
Hashim Thaci

It will be a few weeks before Hashim Thaçi, the former Prime Minister and former President of Kosovo, is in The Hague. A lot of water has flowed since then, significant changes have taken place in its political configuration, old leaders, some income since the time of Milosevic are removed from the leadership of traditional parties, an old skile of it is behind the scenes, of others no longer have the power or importance they once had. The leader of Vetëvendosje is the prime minister and, from the enema of the LDK, a woman was found in the presidential office. Various figures, who, in one way or another, represented in daily politics, as part of the former Titoist thought, or even further, supporters of the Serbian line in Kosovo, such as Rexhep Gjergji, Anton Kola, Edita Tahiri, Sabri Hamiti, Ekrem Kryeziu of Prizren, The strong current against the cooperation with the Albanian state, at the same time against the liberation movement and its progressive ideas, in one way or another are silent voices. Surprisingly, even after their departure, the relationship between the two Albanian states is colder than ever and, although their depth is not so cold, the top of this policy is almost frozen.

Hashim Thaçi continues to be in THE HAGUE, awaiting his trial and an elite of collaborators, who, whether we like it or not, were among the main leaders of the Liberation Movement.

Long before the arrest, as if it were a warning of what was to come, analysts who had never loved Kosovo or the realization of its independence, who after every liberation act saw and traced to find traces of crime; politicians who were in a hurry to come to power or who had lost power, apparently eventually, hardened arrivals who would later end up in presidential offices, "independent" who still graze in some inns today, raised the alarm that Mr. Thaçi had made secret agreements, not only with the Western world, but also with the Serbian state, to sell Kosovo and ensure its freedom. The fact that the investigators of the Specialized Structures, while calling and investigating his collaborators, had not yet asked him what created for them, at the same time, alibi that he was willing to sell half of Kosovo for his private freedom. Someone went even further, calling out openly, "Go, go, bre Hashim to The Hague," as if waiting for his deportation and imprisonment to be in the offices just vacated by him.

After almost two years, enough time to overthrow any kind of alibi, is the time to seriously ask: Did Hashim Thaçi sell Kosovo for his freedom, did he sell his friends to be free himself?

How did all this happen and why did it happen?

Maybe, like few others, I was on the turn of events. I have met with Thaçi several times and we have talked at length about what could happen in the future, from the establishment of the Special Court, to the possibility of a strike on the war-torn leadership structures, as a sign to aggravate the entire KLA; in the perspective of the future of the state of Kosovo, especially in its crucial moments.

He was aware that, like all his comrades, he could be hit, even before his initiative approved the establishment of this specialized body, as he knew very well that what was happening between the state of Kosovo and that of Serbia would be a long, tedious match, where the confrontations would be constant and, above all, the obligations would be greater than one might think.

At no point, never, never, did he talk to me about the partition of Kosovo, the exchange of territories, the change of borders, but he was aware that the time would come to define them. This has happened to every state after the war, it would happen there too.

It was at this time that Professor Rexhep Qosja would come up with the idea of ​​exchanging territories, with the simple reason that while some border municipalities, where the Serb majority was overwhelming now, if not de jure, de facto were Serb parts, while we could have the chance to regain Eastern Kosovo. An idea which Thaçi did not further develop nor did he make part of his policy. However, as soon as he mentioned that the day of the final establishment of the border would come, all those who had been attacked before, found the alibi to be attacked once again.

After a statement by the President of Kosovo on the correction of borders, an endless debate has started, perhaps rightly, about this thesis, which, as I am convinced, could never have been the idea of ​​Hashim Thaçi. Western diplomats, thinking they would find a compromise solution, without being in the line of their states, suggested it. His denial, as it was supposed to happen, opened a cooling space in European Union circles and he delegated everything of his across the Atlantic. I also want to believe that, as is usually the case in the sub-genres of politics, he must have received an opinion from the structures that support him in the world of politics. And these structures are familiar.

But, even if it was his own opinion, he, as analysts and people of opposition politics in Albania, but also in Kosovo, were alarmed, neither decided this, nor set fire to the old continent, nor has power open what is called the Pandora's Box.

However, I say it openly: if He would achieve what he had in mind, the return of Eastern Kosovo as an integral part of Kosovo, let 100 pandora boxes be opened, which have been closed a thousand times for our country and always to his detriment. . The opinion of a left-wing politician that "the borders are good" is naive, because, behind these borders, many of the Albanians who are part of the surrounding countries, especially in Eastern Kosovo, are on the verge of extinction as a forming part; they are being forcibly displaced, rights are being denied and their very lives are in danger.

But let me return to the idea of ​​this article, "Did Hashim Thaçi sell Kosovo"? "Did he shop with her future?"

Neither Hashim Thaçi nor anyone else was and is today the god of Kosovo and the superhuman who decides its fate. Even if, in the worst case, he or she tries to make concessions on the map of Kosovo, no matter how small they are, the historical responsibility but also the time punishment will be taken only by him, but of course nothing like that will be possible. to pass through the Assembly of Kosovo and its institutions.

There have been many rumors that all that was happening in Kosovo at that time, ie the big clashes and differences between the political class and Thaçi's role have to do with the latter's concessions to the Euro-Atlantic structures to be sure that he is not will operate the International Court of Justice, known as the Special Court, which has now closed some of its files and may be preparing others. More than anything else it resembles a political court.

Doing politics through such a thesis and trying to make accessible the opinion that Thaçi's omissions had to do with "preserving his head" means that you have not understood two basic things: that the international community is acting against Kosovo, as long as it requires political and territorial concessions and, secondly, not to recognize the mechanism that has been set in motion by international justice, which, unlike in Kosovo and never in Albania, is believed to be not a political institution, does not depend from the heads of state and he will not even know what concessions Hashim Thaçi is ready to make. The fact is that during Thaçi's rule or presidency, no decision was aggravated in Kosovo and in favor of the Serbian state, and that his political staff, which grew surprisingly over the years, demanded things step by step,

If against him, as against anyone else in Kosovo, there are facts and accuracy that with his name and war, various crimes are connected, this has nothing to do, at any moment, with the omissions or ideas he had in mind President of Kosovo.

Only those who in different circumstances have made such concessions, whether political or national, for more political and living space, perceive the International Court as an inn where anyone who defends or condemns politics outside Kosovo enters and leaves. His arrest continues to be a door-to-door closure for one political class of war, and, at the same time, to open further doors for another political class.

President Hashim Thaçi had no right to sell any square meters of Kosovo. Nor to change its boundaries in their wrinkling. Nor did he intend to do so. Otherwise, he knows very well that on his fate, not only political, but also on the past investment, hangs a powerful pliers, through which you can not play with anything but the benefit for your country. His imprisonment proved that there was no bargaining, his attitude towards him in conditions of constant arrest is a sign that there are still circles that are afraid of his return to politics, which, in Kosovo, would be completely different. At least there would be other spatial proportions.

Kosovo is not a fiefdom of Thaçi, Mustafa, Kurti or Vesel. So much for Osman. It is their turn to govern one after another, someone more successful and someone else less, but still temporary, and that does not mean they are eternal in their governance. They know this better than anyone else.

They, each of them, it is possible to play with property and tenders, put wealth and proclaim patriotism, but, many times more than an opposition clan around them, those who ran not so long ago that what is happening is that the three most important institutions of Kosovo, in the past, have shown more commitment than some "brave skinheads", who at the time of their rule had the honor of being part of the Yugoslav Serb union-brotherhood. Or even that of the importance of the new historical spirit.

Kosovo is above all the creature of the western states and their policy for the Balkans. Starting from the war that took place in Kosovo, and, without this war there would be no Euro-Atlantic intervention, they aimed and achieved several things at once, one of which would be the establishment of the border of Russian influence on the northern border of Kosovo.

In about 23 years the western states have invested more than expected and have set up a state, albeit lame, not their fault to the end, which has neither the luxury nor the weakness to forgive in peace what has been gained by joint struggle.

The issue of Kosovo, although raised at a bilateral table, is not the only one. She, in her backstage, has other actors, who have not thought only today about the thesis of the former President of Kosovo and not from today are aiming to realize an increasingly powerful sovereignty.

There is full evidence that what has been discussed between the two state representatives has been beaten many times in the Euro-Atlantic chancelleries, it has been opened not only as a hot topic, but also as an option for solutions between countries with different attitudes, to come in these days, when things are getting hotter and hotter and when waiting becomes unbearable.

Hashim Thaçi's task has been to represent Kosovo in these talks. This tag today belongs to Albin Kurti, as the man who, in a plebiscite manner, perhaps even from the pre-serious events, gained the trust to govern, and, when we say "to govern", we mean the difficult, tedious dialogue and long for the future of the state of Kosovo, a future which does not depend on either the Serbian state or the typical Albanian concessions or stubbornness. The attitude of the former opposition, that the former President of Kosovo should not be their leader, no matter how many mistakes Thaçi could have made in the past and he has done, is like asking to wash your hands and come up with nationalist theses tomorrow, as if only their being would bring a twice as big Kosovo.

Let us not become ignorant: the role of leader, whether we like it or not, Hashim Thaçi had taken even when he was probably unknown, as in Rambouillet, and no longer when he was in the highest position of Kosovo institutions. Roles change frequently in politics. Now, others have the highest positions of the state of Kosovo and they took this state intact. Dozens of people beat their chests because they were the ones who saved Kosovo from the split of the Rama-Thaçi duo; voices very close to the head of the government of Kosovo have declared traitors two well-known political figures, voices against cooperation with Albania have grown so much that they recall other times; common political thought has been silent and, surprisingly,

If the opposition feared that Thaçi might make concessions to the detriment of Kosovo, it would be more fruitful for them to be there, to stop him at the right time, and, if he had no other choice, for them to make his mass confrontation with public opinion. But, to seek recognition and not to face the truth, and this is one: never, in any public discourse or in high-level meetings, Thaçi, in the roles he has played, has not sought or elaborated on the partition of Kosovo, the exchange of territories, much less his freedom to its detriment.

Politics for Kosovo is done more outside Pristina than in Pristina. It has its roots sometimes very far from it and they are not from those roots that can move from the desire of a single man, even this President of Kosovo. Nor the head of government. The time has come for them to try this political maxim themselves.

Kosovo has declared independence with the proposal of its Assembly and not without the support of those states that today support the position of the independent state of Kosovo, without removing any land from it.

Apparently, the message coming from Thaçi may have started from a great distance, especially when it is accompanied by two other messages, which, analysts and the opposition in Albania, neither wanted nor will not read : there will be no border changes, no square meter of Kosovo land will be in question, so there will be no division.

There will be efforts for a border review. If Thaçi wanted his goal, then he would avenge the memory of his country. His desire and intention to unite Eastern Kosovo with the trunk from which he broke away was noble and dignified.

What analysts are worried about, lamenting the plight of the whole world, the Pandora's Box of Borders, is not in the hands of Hashim Thaçi, neither to open, nor to close, nor to open slightly, except for Kosovo.

In the end, I am allowed to bring the words of an extremely valuable friend of mine, whom I have trusted and will always trust, an early part of the liberation movement, who comes exactly from the territories of Eastern Kosovo, Halil Selimi.

He writes that:

Presheva demands serious treatment and genuine political solutions!

Only returning to Kosovo is the solution!

Let no one dare to mock publicly, or secretly, the historical, national and political right of a province and of an entire population, ethnically and territorially an integral part of Kosovo, unjustly separated from the territorial integrity of all Albanians!

No one is allowed to continue to use the Presevo Valley as a shelter or political deception, which, precisely as a result of continuous historical deception for embezzlement, has remained under Serbia to this day!

Presevo Valley (Eastern Kosovo) held a popular referendum on March 1-2, 1992, which clearly states the political will for political-territorial autonomy, with the right to join Kosovo.

Whoever is awakened nationally and politically, let them support only this plebiscite decision of this freedom-loving population, without political speculation or individual interests, whoever and wherever they are.

I fully agree with his opinion.


Në përputhje me standarded JTI

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