Alma K. has left many people without sleep from Tirana to Kukës and beyond. She probably suffers from insomnia herself. The former mayor of Kukës is sleepless. Safet Gjici, because of only 13 fatal minutes, saw himself roll from waking up with the brilliance of the first man of Kukës, to the client of justice who sleeps in a dark cell.
In the same situation is the enigmatic character who first received the extravagant filming made by Alma. His name was mentioned in the first session of security measures in court against the couple and although the public still does not know who he is, he knows better that the story does not end there.
There are also many other people without sleep, whom Alma K. has met in similar circumstances or not. Others have trouble sleeping and guess what else Alma K. may have recorded on her phones, who, with the instinct of a wise woman, probably realized early on that the masculinist Albanian world respects strength and kicks weakness. interest and kicks the horse to the other bank of the river.
Witnessing this gloomy landscape, she has tried to set up self-defense ambushes for the black day that has arrived.
Faced with fate and the fact that she is alone, she may have realized that the "treasures" in her phones, videos, contacts and tablets and cooperation with justice may be one of the only chances to protect her destiny.
Without sleep are also an incalculable number of characters, colleagues of the unfortunate former president of Kukës, who know well that, beyond the puritanical hypocrisy with which they reject, blame and crucify Gjici, the only difference with him is again only a matter of fate : Safeti is mainly guilty not for what he did, but because he was caught in what he did!
The media has generally seen the scandal in two ways. The first that punishes the case and blames the prime minister for appointing such vulnerable persons to vice and the other that sees the former mayor as a violator of the law and morality, but also as a victim of blackmail. The dividing line that is drawn between these two positions which are not fundamentally different from each other is generally simplified with the naivety dictated by interest or ignorance.
Often truths are found far from the edges and this seems to be the classic case, when there may be an alternative truth that can give the public interest a different, clearer picture. To prove once again that curiosity in Tirana is often a vice of haste and not a virtue of patience, it is the prey of interest and not interest in finding out who is the last hunter.
An audio recording released in the middle of last week shows other clues. Carried out in all probability by Alma K. herself, - its authenticity remains to be proven - it gives a much more dramatic dimension to the scandal.
In the audio, it becomes clear that upon leaving the crime office, the girl handed over the footage to its client. He asked to take it back, but this became possible only days later, before the video was leaked on social networks. "...I took him and pressured him...", Alma K.'s interlocutor says at one point, giving breath to the line of blackmail.
Further, aware of what she was risking, the girl mentions the interlocutor "request for embassy". Running away and trying to get political asylum somewhere is most likely the idea she thought of to get out of the dance where she was invited to enter with a few pennies and from which she could not escape even if she paid multiple times. Running away had become the only option and she had to do it before the scandal was published.
Berisha's name is also mentioned in the audio. "Go meet Sala yourself since you also had a friend"!, says the interlocutor. This detail, accompanied by the photos of the former prime minister with his daughter, along with the idea that he would be the direct beneficiary of the scandal's consequences, creates the bed to consider Mr. Berisha as part of the Kuksian nebula. Blackmail is not always done just to get money from the victim. Often the benefits are of different natures. At the moment there is only speculation as to whether money was paid in exchange for not publishing the video. Also, there are only unproven conjectures that Berisha was aware of what was happening, but it is beyond any conjecture that the political benefit of a political party from this scandal is obvious and direct.
Logic, but certainly also intuition, will have led SPAK investigators to find answers to a question that has not been answered yet. Who created the pair of associates, who sent Alma to meet the mysterious audio interlocutor?
The rules of criminalistics estimate that the first 48 hours after the crime are crucial to secure the evidence and to discover the crime. If this has happened, it will soon be understood that only a part of the criminal puzzle of the event has been revealed and that other pieces will be expected to come together to reveal the complete sad picture of the scandal. As one more proof that Kukësi is a piece of Albania and that Albania is not very different from Kukësi.
Whatever the outcome of the investigations, even if Gjic himself was a "victim" of blackmail, a "victim" of a conspiracy by Putin's friends, this would not ease his position. Mainly his moral, political and public condemnation. With these three accusations, Gjici received his sentence. More importantly, the truth must come to light as the only means to break the chain of guilt and avoid retribution. That is often delegated to bullets in Albania. Otherwise, the insomnia caused by Alma from Tirana to Kukës and everywhere else in Albania, would be the lesser evil.