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Gërdeci/ Packouz's shocking confession to the American media: Shkëlzen Berisha's role when we negotiated the price of the cartridges, how we 'got rid of' Trebicka

2024-12-09 22:02:39Politikë SHKRUAR NGA REDAKSIA VOX
Gërdeci/ Packouz's shocking confession to the American media:
David Packouz (left) and Efraim Diveroli

In a lengthy interview with 'Business Insider,' David Packouz, former vice president of the American company "AEY", also talks about the contract that he and his partner Efraim Diveroli signed with the Albanian government for the ammunition trade.

He explains in detail how the entire process worked, from winning the contract with the US military to how the scheme with Albania worked.

Among other things, he mentions the meeting of his partner, Diveroli, to negotiate a direct agreement with the Albanians. A meeting, in which he says the son of the prime minister at the time was also present.

Another moment that Packouz dwells on during his story for 'Business Insider' is the termination of the contract they had with Kosta Trebicka for the packaging of ammunition, and his death under mysterious circumstances.

Produce

"There are two main calibers in the whole world. Two different weapons systems. There are the Warsaw Pact weapons, which were produced by the former Soviet republics, and NATO, which are the weapons produced by the NATO alliance in the West. And the weapons of these systems can no longer be adapted to each other.

The US does not produce weapons like those of the Warsaw Pact. Therefore, when they need to supply a country with such weapons, they have to turn to third parties, which are generally former Warsaw Pact member countries.

The US places arms embargoes on various countries for a variety of reasons. China was placed under an arms embargo in 1989 because of the infamous Tiananmen Square massacre. They also placed an arms embargo on Russia shortly before they awarded us the contract. Originally, the US had planned to buy all the ammunition from Russia, since it was the only supplier that could provide the entire list of ammunition that the US was looking to buy. So they opened the contract to the best bidder, to an intermediary company like us, to give them a single price for everything because they didn't want to deal with 50 different people. They preferred to negotiate with a single intermediary, who in turn would deal with all the end suppliers.

The best price we found for small-caliber ammunition, the kind used in AK-47 rifles, came from Albania. At the time, Albania had a massive stockpile of Warsaw Pact ammunition, and they were trying to join NATO. The alliance had asked them to destroy their old Soviet ammunition…

The problem with the arms industry, in terms of worker safety, is that it is a high-risk industry. Of course, manufacturers want to avoid disasters like the one in Albania because it is not good for business when a factory explodes. On the other hand, there is a notorious incident in Albania, in a village called Gërdec, where the Albanian government had begun the process of dismantling some of the old Soviet munitions. But they were doing it in an irresponsible way and caused what I believe is the largest non-nuclear explosion in history.

"The way we got the Albanian deal is that we had done business before with a Swiss arms dealer named Henri Thomei. He had a lot of connections, especially in the Balkans. That's why he was able to secure this deal for AK-47 ammunition at such a good price for us. We paid Henri and he paid the Albanians."

scheme

"There was a team of people who opened the wooden crates and metal boxes. They put the ammunition in thick plastic bags and then in cardboard boxes. That way we could minimize the weight during transport, since we were sending everything by plane to Afghanistan."

Alex Podrizki was my best friend when we were looking for someone to manage the repackaging in Albania. We hired him to go there and do the work. At first, he didn’t think we would have to do the repackaging, but we wanted him to go there and inspect it because he had some military experience. There he discovered that the ammunition was Chinese. There were Chinese symbols on all the crates and boxes. Efraim said, ‘Listen, we’ll only discuss this over the phone. No emails, no text messages.’ But Efraim wanted to make sure Alex was giving him accurate information and insisted on sending him pictures of the boxes and crates. Then, everyone started talking more openly and a considerable number of emails were generated, explaining very clearly and in detail what we were doing.

We didn't want to risk losing a $300 million contract. So we thought maybe we shouldn't show it. Maybe we should just repackage the ammunition, so there would be no suspicion. That's what we did, and we contracted an Albanian named Kosta Trebicka, who had a company that made cardboard boxes in Albania. He would provide us with the boxes and the labor to repackage the ammunition, so we could avoid the Chinese symbols. And we started distributing according to this scheme.

Ishin rreth 100 milionë fishekë që duheshin riambalazhuar. Nuk ishim plotësisht të sigurtë nëse kjo ishte e paligjshme, sepse municioni që po blinim në Shqipëri vërtet vinte nga Kina, por i përkiste viteve ’70-të, shumë kohë para vendosjes së embargos së armëve. Kështu që, ky municion nuk përbënte shkelje të embargos. Ishte i ligjshëm në këtë aspekt, por shkelte kushtet e kontratës tregtare që kishim me ushtrinë amerikane. Nëse do ta dorëzonim këtë municion, do të ishim në shkelje të kontratës, sepse ajo thoshte specifikisht që nuk lejohet municion kinez dhe pikë.

Municionet dhe armët, të paktën ato të kalibrit të vogël, ruheshin në bunkere nëntokësorë. Në Shqipëri kishte një rrjet masiv tunelesh nëntokësorë, që ishin mbushur me armë të kalibrit të vogël dhe municione, për t’i mbrojtur nga ndonjë bombardim i mundshëm. Kur shkuam në Shqipëri për inspektim, na çuan në këto tunele të ngushta nëntokësorë. Kushdo që e njeh historinë e Shqipërisë, e di se shumica e municioneve të tyre vinte nga Kina. Ne, dy djem të rinj nga Miami, nuk e kishim idenë. Ushtria amerikane duhet ta kishte ditur. Nuk e di nëse e dinin qysh në fillim apo jo. Por, e di që kur Ralfi doli në gjyq, email-e të brendshme qeveritare u dërguan dhe ushtria amerikane tha se ato municione ishin kritike për misionin në Afganistan. Pasi ‘New York Times’ botoi një artikull të sikletshëm duke demaskuar gjithçka kishte ndodhur, atëherë u shtirën sikur nuk e kishin idenë dhe na e anuluan kontratën."

Shqiptarët

"Kur gjërat filluan të shkonin mirë dhe ne po dorëzonim rregullisht municionet dhe me Kostë, shqiptarin që merrej me ambalazhimin, po dorëzonim nga 3-4 ngarkesa në javë, Efraimi vendosi që donte të nxirrte më shumë para nga ujdia. Siç ndodhte gjithmonë me të. Ai i kërkoi Kostës nëse mund të zbulonte se sa paguante Ministria e Mbrojtjes për municonin që ne po blinim, sepse deri atëherë paguanim Henrin, tregtarin zviceran të armëve. Nuk i paguanim direkt shqiptarët.

Kosta na ktheu përgjigje pas disa ditësh se Ministria e Mbrojtjes paguhej 2 centë për fishek për municionet. Ndërsa ne, e paguanim Henrin 4 centë për fishek. Kjo e acaroi tej mase Efraimin. Kështu që, Efraimi vendosi të shkonte Shqipëri për të rinegociuar me shqiptarët dhe të arrinte një marrëveshje direkt me ta.

Ai më kërkoi të falsifikoja një sërë dokumentesh, që të dukej sikur konkurrentët e shqiptarëve, furnizuesit e tjerë, na kishin dhënë çmime shumë më me leverdi. Është çuditërisht e lehtë të falsifikosh dokumente, sidomos nëse ke një dokument legjitim. Gjithçka që duhet të bësh është të ndryshosh disa numra. Ai jua çoi këto dokumente shqiptarëve dhe ju tha, nëse nuk më jepni një çmim më të mirë, do më duhet të zgjedh konkurrentët tuaj, çekët ose ukrainasit. Por, shqiptarët ju hodhën një sy letrave dhe thanë se ishin false. Mos na tregoni ato m** dokumentesh fallco. E kuptuan qysh në fillim.

They set up a meeting with a guy named Mihal Delijorgji. Efraim met with Delijorgji and another person, whom he later identified as the prime minister's son. Delijorgji told Efraim that he knew we were looking for a better price and that we were paying the other Albanian, Kosta, to do the repackaging. Why don't you give me the repackaging contract. I will make money from the repackaging contract and I will give you a small discount on the ammunition, since I will be making money from it too.

Efraim said it was a fantastic idea. That other one (Kosta Trebicka) is fired, you (Delijorgji) are contracted. Let's do this.

Kosta called me and said, I understand that you are changing the person who will do the repackaging. I understand that it is just business, but I have about 20 thousand dollars of stock boxes left. I said to Efraim, why don't you give Kosta 20 thousand and transfer the boxes. But Efraim said no. And what can he do to us? I told him that he (Kosta) knows everything. Are you sure you will do this, Efraim? And he said to me, yes, because he has nothing to do with us.

He turned out to be wrong. Because Kosta got really upset about that $20,000 and called the New York Times. And so began the investigation that ruined us. He also called the local Albanian press and informed Albanian journalists that Albanian politicians were taking advantage of our contract. A week or two later, he ended up dead under mysterious circumstances. He was on a dirt road somewhere in the middle of a field. There was no one around. And, inexplicably, he had been run over by his own car. They found him face down on the ground and the car about 30 feet away from him. If it was an accident, it was an unusual accident.

I believe that Albania has a long history of organized crime and that organized crime is closely intertwined with the political system. I will never go to Albania. I say I will stay away from that country, for safety's sake.

"I'm not worried anymore, because the events happened 18 years ago and many of the people involved ended up in prison in Albania. Delijorgji went to prison; Ylli Pinari, who headed the export, ended up in prison. The prime minister's son sued me for defamation. But the case was not even considered."


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